Texas Governor Rick Perry's recent remarks that the Obama Administration's--and, in particular, the head of the Federal Reserve's--actions on the economy amount to "almost treason" suggest that we should ask ourselves what else might constitute treason?
For instance, when a Governor of a State suggests that his state may secede from the Union, is that "almost treason?"
When a candidate for political office suggests that a public official be executed, is that "almost treason?"
Treason usually involves a conspiracy, so if the person who committed these "almost treasonous" acts gets chosen by his party to take over the government, what is that?
I do hope, sincerely, that our politicians try their best to ignore the radical fringe at both extremes of the political spectrum and find a middle path that allows them to work together to solve our country's problems. We have never been an "all or nothing" country. We've always governed amid multiple ideologies, multiple strategies, multiple pressures, and multiple ideas about what constitutes service to the people. Today, we desperately need to find the middle. If the politicians, individually, cannot do that, then the electorate--the people that the Constitution was written to protect--needs to select politicians who can work in the messy middle of our political system in order to protect our long-term interests as a nation.
Meanwhile, people like Rick Perry should take care that their rhetoric does not cause others to ask the same questions of them.
Thursday, August 18, 2011
Sunday, August 7, 2011
GOP’s nasty ‘tar baby’ politics - Leonard Pitts Jr. - MiamiHerald.com
GOP’s nasty ‘tar baby’ politics - Leonard Pitts Jr. - MiamiHerald.com
Thanks to Leonard Pitts, Jr., for giving us the straight facts about the political crisis in the United States. The radicalization of American politics is as much--if not more--about our President's race than any other single factor.
Thanks to Leonard Pitts, Jr., for giving us the straight facts about the political crisis in the United States. The radicalization of American politics is as much--if not more--about our President's race than any other single factor.
Saturday, August 6, 2011
A Good Example of Truth-Telling Journalism
Who's to blame for S&P's U.S. credit rating downgrade? - Political Hotsheet - CBS News
This analysis by CBS is a good example of what I called for in my previous posting.
This analysis by CBS is a good example of what I called for in my previous posting.
Truth versus Power
On Friday, August 5, MSNBC had this headline in its Business section: “No double dip, but economy stuck in low gear.” Right next to it was this headline,
“NYT analysis: We’re probably in a
double dip recession.” Directly
under that was another headline: “Why recession fears are overblown.” And, of course, at the very top
of the site was the breaking news:
“US Loses Top Credit Rating.”
So, what did we learn from MSNBC on this particular day? Not much, it appears. Now, I am a big fan of MSNBC. This website is my home page on my web
browser. However, we have to
question the value of their reportage on this issue, this particular day.
In a recent Rolling Stone article, former Vice President Al Gore wrote, "After World War II, a philosopher
studying the impact of organized propaganda on the quality of democratic debate
wrote, 'The conversion of all questions of truth into questions of power has
attacked the very heart of the distinction between true and false'." The task today, is to push our
politicians to move past propaganda--the always evident "talking
points" on each side--and to demand that they tell us what they think is
true.
The 24-hour news channels have given us a “talking-point versus talking-point”
approach to the news, instead of reportage based on fact-finding and analysis. In this radicalized political climate,
it simply is not enough to invite to the table a liberal and a conservative and
elicit their talking points on an issue.
Rather, we should expect the reporter to dig out the facts personally
and present an analysis that they can support as the truth as they see it. That is, we should ask journalists to pursue questions of
truth rather than questions of power. Otherwise, propaganda will win out and, when that happens, a democratic society will always lose.
Wednesday, August 3, 2011
Jane Addams and the Tea Party
I am re-reading Jane Addams’ wonderful memoir, Twenty Years at Hull-House. In explaining the spirit with which she
founded her settlement house in 1890s Chicago, she wrote that it was driven, in
part by “the conviction, in the words of Canon Barnett, that the things which
make men alike are finer and better than the things that keep them apart, and
that these basic likenesses, if they are properly accentuated, easily transcend
the less essential differences of race, language, creed, and tradition.” Addams, of course, was speaking about
the importance of integrating into American life the millions of immigrants who
had been attracted to the United States at the height of the Industrial Revolution. However, her words also set an
expectation for us today.
American-style democracy thrives on our ability to find a
workable middle—a place where are “basic likenesses” outweigh the things that
keep us apart enough for us to fulfill the purpose of our federal government as
declared in the opening sentence of the Constitution: “. . . to form a more
perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common
defence, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to
ourselves and our Posterity . . .” I would like to think that I could identify
some “basic likenesses” with the Tea Party members of Congress. However, it does not come easily.
The Tea Party, which declared its purpose during the last
election as being “to take back our country” (they did not say from whom), can
be expected to become even more radical and less prone to compromise now that
they have won a big victory. These
rightwing extremists have set themselves so arrogantly apart from the
mainstream of our country, that, right now at least, I cannot find common
ground with them. They, in turn,
seek no common ground with anyone who does not share their ideology.
I hope that our politicians are able to find a way to build
a workable middle ground in this environment.
Monday, July 25, 2011
An Awful Week
It’s been an awful week out there in the world by most measures.
First, of course, for some of us, there was the heat wave, which begins the list simply because of its striking immediacy. Like most politics, it was regional in scope, but local in impact. Few could ignore it; some died because of it.
In Africa, where eleven million are suffering from famine, Somali militants refused to allow aid to get to the people who need it, demonstrating once again the uselessness of ideology over simple humanity.
Here in the United States, radical conservatives are just fine with the idea of bringing on a new recession by forcing their fiscal ideology on the rest of the country, with impact on the rest of the world. Here, too, ideology has replaced simple humanity. One needs to be reminded that Pragmatism was an American philosophy. Where is Dewey when you need him?
Then, very sadly, in Norway, one of the most peaceful countries, a conservative zealot—why real Christians allow these people to get away with calling themselves Christians I will never know—goes on a killing spree, murdering other Christians to make what he hoped would be an opening statement against the rising population of Islamists in Norway.
Finally, for some perspective, on July 23, the “Writer’s Almanac” (http://www.elabs7.com/functions/message_view.html?mid=1296273&mlid=499&siteid=20130&uid=ecd2852d92) carried this bit of trivia:
On this day in 1929, the Fascist government in Italy banned the use of foreign words. Regional dialects were still so prevalent when Mussolini came into power in 1922 that no more than 12 percent of the population of the unified state spoke straightforward Italian. The regime wanted to promote unity and a strong national identity, so anything that was seen to undermine these things was a cause for concern. French and English words and phrases were particularly popular; where possible, the government required the use of the Italian equivalent, and if one didn't exist, they made the foreign word as Italian as possible. Wine from Bordeaux became known as Barolo; a movie, formerly known as "il film," was now called "la pellicola."
It reminded me of how short the road is from a self-governing kind of freedom to fascism, especially when one compares the 1929 event with the current discussions about immigration here in the U.S., where some want to build a great wall against our neighbors. This short road is where American politics is currently being played out. It is a frightening time for anyone who holds dear the American style of democracy. We are losing the middle—the place where reasonable people can feel comfortable making a few compromises in order to live with their neighbors in a humane environment in which, even if everyone isn’t in harmony, they at least play to the same beat. That beat is the heartbeat of our democracy.
One factor in all this may be the increasing global interconnectness that the Information Revolution has created. Perhaps fear of losing their culture and, in the process, their identity drives people to radical cultural extremes. The challenge we all face is how to keep our local culture—the culture that defines us to ourselves and our families and friends-- alive while we find our way—and come to feel at home—in a new, global culture. We need to find a way to be more open about these questions, of course. But we also need to take great care that, in the process, we do not repeat the cultural suicide that stained the 20th century.
Sunday, June 19, 2011
From the Typewriter to the Cloud: The Impact of Technology on Writing
One of this year’s finds at the annual AAUW book sale at Penn State was “The Writer’s Chapbook,” a collection of reflections about writing by top authors, drawn from their interviews in “The Paris Review.” Reading it the other day, I stumbled over several authors commenting on the impact of the typewriter on writing.
The biographer Leon Edel talked about Henry James, who must have been one of the early adopters of this new technology. Here’s what he said: “He began dictating directly to the typewriter. It’s a case of the medium being the message and with dictation he ran into longer sentences, and parenthetical remarks, and when he revised what he had dictated he tended to add further flourishes. In the old days, when he wrote in longhand he was much briefer and crisper, but now he luxuriated in fine phrases and he was exquisitely baroque.”
Conrad Aiken, noting that he never used a carbon copy “because that made me self-conscious,” wrote, “I can remember discussing the effect of the typewriter on our work with Tom Eliot because he was moving to the typewriter about the time I was. And I remember our agreeing that it made for a slight change of style in the prose-that you tended to use more periodic sentences, a little shorter, and a rather choppier style—and that one must be careful about that . . . But that was a passing phase only. We both soon discovered that we were just as free to let the style throw itself into the air as we had been writing manually.”
I suspect it is too bad that Henry James dictated rather than take to the keyboard himself.
These couple of examples also made me wonder: how has word processing changed style over the past two decades? One imagines that the ability for infinite self-correction should free the imagination and allow writers to be more spontaneous, on one hand, and more precise on the other hand. Then, add the Internet as a publishing environment. I have to think that the ability to immediately publish one’s thoughts would lead to shorter pieces more focused on the immediacy of insight rather than on long, complexly woven pieces—a tendency reinforced by the limitations on length imposed by Twitter. However, there is also the inevitable temptation to constantly revisit and revise—to not let good enough alone in this environment. This suggests the need for a new artistic ethos: that the writer, having written, must move on. But it also raises a question about the relationship between writer and reader and how readers engage with the writer in the creative process. In this new environment, is writing about the finished product or does the reader gain artistic insight in the process itself?
Worth exploring more. Any thoughts?
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