I was both shocked and dismayed
last Thursday morning over coffee to read a letter to the editor of our local
paper that began, “In the event that Barack Hussein Obama is re-elected to the
presidency of the United States of America, all members of the military, all
members of all the police services, and members of emergency services
providers, will have to evaluate and decide if they are going to obey the
dictates of the president and his cadre of ‘czars,’ or they will honor the
Constitution of the United States.”
The
shock was that someone would go so far as to urge members of our military to
consider what is, at the bottom line, something that looks very much like treason—that U.S. soldiers should disobey
their commander in chief—and, even more, that a newspaper would publish it. Free speech is the price of
democracy, and in this case I felt some “sticker shock.”
More
deeply felt, though was dismay over what the letter suggests about the loss of
community in the U.S. We’ve
seen this in so many ways over the past few years, but this letter illustrates
just how profoundly separated from the mainstream some of our citizens
feel.
It
is easy to chalk some of this up to racism. Clearly, there is a segment of the U.S. population who
cannot identify with an African-American being President and who, as a result,
see themselves as no longer needing to be loyal to a government led by a
President who is not “us.” This is
downplayed in the media, but it is obvious when you listen to what people
say. There is also an
element of xenophobia—fear of the stranger—at work. For the past decade, many in the U.S. have marginalized all
Moslems for what some Moslems did on 9/11/01. Note that the letter emphasized President Obama’s middle
name, which is also the name of the dictator that we deposed in our misguided
war against Iraq. The ongoing
nonsense about the President’s birth certificate is an example of how this has
been used to create suspicion that he is not one of “us,” but instead an exotic
“other.” The right wing in our
country has used this as a tool to further radicalize those who already felt
disenfranchised by the economy, loss of social standing as workers, etc.
But
I believe that these two factors are symptoms of a broader and, ultimately,
more widespread concern. William
Irwin Thompson wrote about the idea that, as society expands, so does our
cultural identity. Early cultures
celebrated the clan or tribe as the point of identity. As farming took root and towns
developed, the family identity became “private,” and citizenship in a town
became the “public identity.”
Eventually, one’s identity with one’s hometown became private as
nationality became the public identity.
We see this in the evolution of how immigrant families identify
themselves over the first few generations. The first generation brings to their new home the language
and customs of the old country.
The second generation begins to make much of that private, as they take
on the identity of the new country in which they were born. By the third generation, the old
culture is a heritage celebrated at family events and holidays.
Today,
we are at a point where our public identities are being challenged by
globalization. Traditional
definitions of communities as groups of mutually dependent people in a defined
geographic area are fading. The
food we eat, the clothes we wear, the cars we drive, even the ephemera of our
lives—our toys, our greeting cards, etc.—are not made locally by our
neighbors. Instead, they are
produced all over the world by people most of us never see and to whom most of
us have no sense of social obligation. But, we have not yet begun to see ourselves as
“citizens of the world” or members of a “global community.” As a result, many of us—having been
raised to expect to be part of a traditional community that takes pride in the
“Made in the USA” label—feel vaguely disenfranchised. Being an American seems not to mean what it used to mean,
but we don’t know what else to be.
Then
along come the politicians and the robber barons who finance them, who sense
they can gain an advantage by playing off the unease that people are
feeling. The result can be seen in
headlines throughout the political season as politicians pander to the unease,
turning fear into anger and, they hope, action that will benefit their
political or corporate interests.
In this environment, we cease to be a community at a much deeper level.
I
have been reading Citizen, Louise
Knight’s biography of Jane Addams, the great social reformer of the late 19th
and early 20th centuries. Looking back on the Pullman strike of the 1890s, she
noted that one’s ethics are contextual and that, when major changes happen in
society, a new ethic may arise.
In the context of the Industrial Revolution—and the massive immigration
and urbanization that accompanied it—that meant moving beyond the old
class-based ethic of philanthropy as looking down on others to a new ethic of
mutual engagement among social equals.
Today,
the Information Revolution is causing a disruption that is similar equal in scope, if not greater,
to the Industrial Revolution.
Instead of immigration and urbanization, this new revolution is causing
globalization and, as Fareed Zakaria noted in his book, The Post-American World, not the decline of America, but the “rise
of the rest.” We can no
longer see the rest of the world as strangers: we are too interdependent on numerous fronts.
What
we need to do, in order to mend our increasingly shattered sense of community,
is to embrace what is best about our culture and celebrate it
and, at the same time, get to know our neighbors. The long-term solution lies in our educational system. When I was in high school in the 1960s,
seniors took a course called “Problems of Democracy.” It was designed to help us understand the complexities of
the American vision in practice before we went out and joined the adult
world. We need a fresh take on
that to prepare people to live as citizens and be productive workers in our
new, global community.
Meanwhile,
I hope that, by the end of this political season, we will be able to find ways
to mend relationships and find common purpose as members of a shared community. That, it seems to me, is the job of our
elected representatives—and those who want to be elected—and our media, which
has been awfully silent on the issues that underpin the headlines these days.
I'm not at all optimistic.
ReplyDeleteVery nice, Gary. Thank you. From the strong community of Tucson I worry about those living in places and/or ways that do not encourage the shared roots that encourage strong yet flexible bonds. See also Doctorow's report http://www.nytimes.com/2012/04/29/opinion/sunday/unexceptionalism-a-primer.html on the deliberate and well-financed undermining of American exceptionalism. Obama's public acceptance of gay marriage is an act of inclusion, a further expansion of our community. For some,however, it will be turned into further evidence of unacceptable "otherness." Of course I agree with you about education as the way forward, but in some states, including here in Arizona, legislators are seeing education as a slush fund they can (and do) rob to deal with the economy.
ReplyDeleteI am more and more drawn to the late Dickens -- the world is a mess but you can make things okay in your own circle. Not inspiring, but comforting.
Best, Dan
Dan, it is great to hear from you and to be reminded that there are communities like Tucson. A few years back, I was chairing a UCEA conference in Vancouver and recall having very interesting discussions with our Canadian friends about "civil society" and the difference between our idea of culture as a "melting pot" and their "cultural mosaic." I agree with Dickens in this sense: we should always try to improve things in our own circle. The problem today is defining the circle, especially when there are so many forces that profit from disunity.
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